Revisiting Jude’s Confrontation and the Crisis of the Name

 

The Epistle of Jude does not merely warn against abstract heresy—it stands as a direct response to a historical and spiritual rupture that dishonored the Name of the LORD. The urgency and severity of Jude’s language (“contend earnestly,” “clouds without water,” “twice dead”) reveals a moment of deep instability, one tied to a false and dangerous corruption: the rise of a pseudo-messiah rooted in the conflated figure of Ben Stada—the son of Jose Pandera. 



This Ben Stada figure, known in rabbinic sources, may have emerged from a fusion of messianic expectation, political chaos, and spiritual counterfeit. Over time, legends surrounding him mutated and merged with narratives about Jesus of Nazareth, particularly through heretical streams that redefined Jesus via figures like Mary Magdalene—most famously in the so-called “gnostic gospels.” These texts weaponized the confusion, blending Jewish messianic categories with Hellenistic esotericism, all while tearing the Son of Man from His Jewish context. 

Notably, the terms Notzrim (נוצרים) and gnostic (γνωστικοί) sound strikingly similar. This phonetic nearness may not be coincidental. As the true Nazarene tradition—rooted in Torah fidelity and the family of Jesus—was being expelled from the synagogue (cf. Birkat HaMinim), a rival version took shape. Gnostic distortions masqueraded as hidden knowledge but in fact erased Israel, undermined covenant, and offered a disembodied redeemer stripped of prophetic continuity. 

The crisis at Yavneh, therefore, was not merely halakhic—it was cosmic. It was a battle for the Name, for the lineage of covenantal memory, and for the Gospel’s integrity. Jude’s epistle is the last trumpet before this breach fully opened. His letter deserves to be read not as a marginal book of warning, but as the frontline document of resistance against what would become the most enduring theological counterfeit in history.

El Pacto es una Herida



Mirando más allá de los sistemas teológicos
y volviendo a la revelación y la misión

Todo esto lo he hecho por ti; ¿qué has hecho tú por Mí?

Y sucedió que, puesto el sol y ya oscurecido, apareció un horno humeante y una antorcha de fuego que pasaban entre los animales divididos.
— Génesis 15:17

Ecce Homo



Dios no inventó el pacto para administrar a la humanidad.


Él se ató a Sí mismo.
Él pasó por la sangre, no Abraham.
Él se hizo responsable del futuro de la promesa, incluso hasta la muerte.

Ten por cierto… que tu descendencia será extranjera… pero Yo juzgaré… y saldrán con grandes riquezas.
(Gén. 15:13–14)

En aquel día el SEÑOR cortó un pacto con Abram.
(Gén. 15:18, literal)

El hebreo no dice “hizo” sino cortókarat brit.

El pacto comienza en sangre y oscuridad, en el propio acto de auto-obligación de Dios.

Esto no es un contrato legal.

Es jesed ve-emet—amor firme y verdad (Éxodo 34:6)—una herida tomada voluntariamente.

Cuando los profetas hablan, claman desde dentro de esta herida:

Pero Sion dijo:El SEÑOR me ha abandonado…’ ¿Acaso olvida una madre a su hijo de pecho?… He aquí que en las palmas de mis manos te tengo esculpida.
— Isaías 49:14–16

El pacto de Dios no olvida, incluso cuando su pueblo sí lo hace.

Él se marca con ellos. Lleva su nombre en su cuerpo.

Y así, cuando aparece el Siervo: Mas Él fue herido por nuestras rebeliones… el castigo de nuestra paz fue sobre Él, y por Sus llagas fuimos nosotros sanados.
— Isaías 53:5

El pacto alcanza su punto más profundo no en el Sinaí, ni en David, sino en un madero de ejecución romano, donde el Verbo hecho carne “confirmó las promesas hechas a los padres” (Rom. 15:8).

Allí, la herida queda expuesta.
El Dios que Recuerda en el Sufrimiento
Se acordó para siempre de su pacto, de la palabra que ordenó para mil generaciones.
— Salmo 105:8

Los Salmos no celebran la ley como un sistema abstracto.
Cantan la memoria de la misericordia.

El pacto se recuerda no en los tribunales, sino en el exilio, en el anhelo, en la tensión entre el abandono y el amor:

¿Desechará el Señor para siempre, y no volverá más a ser propicio? ¿Ha cesado para siempre su misericordia? ¿Se ha acabado perpetuamente su promesa?
— Salmo 77:7–8

La herida del pacto no es el fracaso de Dios—es Su fidelidad frente a la nuestra.

Cuando Isaías toma la voz del lamento, es la esperanza marcada de Israel la que clama:

Di mi espalda a los que me herían, y mis mejillas a los que me arrancaban la barba; no escondí mi rostro de injurias y escupidas.
— Isaías 50:6

Esto no es simplemente sufrimiento profético.

Es encarnación pactal.

Israel lleva la herida de la elección.

El Siervo lleva la herida de Israel.

Y sin embargo, la promesa permanece:

 Te he puesto por pacto del pueblo… para sacar de la cárcel a los presos.
— Isaías 42:6–7

Aquí, el Siervo no es sólo portador del pacto—Él es el pacto.

Él se convierte en la herida.

Se convierte en la atadura.

Se convierte en el fiel en lugar de los infieles.

Y así la herida se hace visible:

Mirarán a Mí, a quien traspasaron, y harán duelo por Él como se llora por el hijo unigénito.” — Zacarías 12:10

El duelo no es sólo por la pérdida.

Es el duelo del reconocimiento.

Aquel a quien traspasaron es Dios recordando Su pacto de la forma más costosa posible.

Este es el escándalo del pacto:

Hiere a Dios.
Lo ata a un pueblo en rebelión.

Lo expone a la muerte, al rechazo, y aún así habla paz.

Y siglos más tarde, en otro tiempo y lugar, un joven noble se encontraba en una galería de museo en Düsseldorf. Su nombre era el Conde Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, un hombre de privilegio y promesa. Criado en la tradición luterana, ya estaba empapado de las Escrituras. Pero no fue un sermón ni un sistema lo que traspasó su corazón—fue una pintura.

Frente a él colgaba una obra de Domenico Feti (a menudo confundida con Holbein), titulada Ecce Homo—“He aquí el Hombre.

En ella, Jesús aparece azotado y coronado de espinas, mirando desde el lienzo no con acusación, sino con sufrimiento silencioso.

Debajo de la imagen, una inscripción decía:

Todo esto lo he hecho por ti; ¿qué has hecho tú por Mí?
No era una exigencia. No era una carga de culpa.
Era la voz del pacto herido.

Zinzendorf recordaría después:
Le he amado desde hace tiempo, pero nunca he hecho nada por Él. Ahora haré todo lo que Él me pida.
Y lo hizo.

Fundó el movimiento Moravo, un pueblo marcado no por el orgullo doctrinal, sino por un profundo amor pactal, comunidad, y misión global.

Para Zinzendorf, ese momento no fue una conversión en el sentido moderno. Fue reconocimiento.

La herida se volvió visible.

Y así terminamos donde comenzamos:
Mirarán al que traspasaron… y llorarán.
El duelo se convierte en misión.
La herida se convierte en fuente de misericordia.

Y el Siervo—el traspasado—permanece por siempre unido a Su pueblo, incluso en el exilio, incluso en la traición, incluso en el silencio.

Él te ha grabado en las palmas de Sus manos.


Give Me This Mountain!


Grafted-In Leaders: Joshua and Caleb as Symbols of Covenantal Inclusion


The story of the twelve spies sent into Canaan (Numbers 13) is often remembered for its dramatic report and the faithlessness of ten. But two figures stand apart—Joshua and Caleb—not only for their courage, but for what they represent theologically. Though both are listed as leaders from Israelite tribes, their deeper backgrounds suggest a more profound truth: faith, not bloodline, defines true Israel.

Caleb is explicitly called “the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite” (Numbers 32:12), linking him to the Kenizzites, a group associated with the descendants of Esau (Genesis 36:11). Though counted among the tribe of Judah, Caleb was likely a grafted-in outsider—a ger tzedek—who fully embraced the God of Israel and was, in turn, embraced by Israel’s covenantal community. His inheritance in Hebron and his unflinching faith point to a Torah principle: righteous outsiders can become tribal inheritors.

In Joshua 14:12 (KJV), Caleb reminds Joshua of the promise made to him by Moses:


Now therefore give me this mountain, whereof the Lord spake in that day; for thou heardest in that day how the Anakim were there, and that the cities were great and fenced: if so be the Lord will be with me, then I shall be able to drive them out, as the Lord said.

Caleb, at age 85, is boldly asking for the hill country of Hebron, which was still inhabited by giants (the Anakim). His request shows not only courage but covenantal faithfulness, trusting God to fulfill His promises despite the odds. 

Joshua honors the request, and Hebron becomes Caleb’s inheritance

Joshua, while from the tribe of Ephraim, also stands within a lineage marked by inclusion. Ephraim was the son of Joseph and Asenath, an Egyptian woman. Thus, Joshua carries a trace of Egyptian blood, yet is chosen by God to lead the entire nation. His story, like Caleb’s, affirms that God’s election transcends ethnicity.

Together, Joshua and Caleb model what Paul would later call the “obedience of faith” (Romans 1:5), and what the prophets foresaw: a people drawn from many nations, united not by genealogy but by covenantal trust. In their loyalty, these two men became not just survivors, but builders of the new generation, inheritors of the promise. They remind us that the heart of Israel’s story is not exclusion, but invitation—to be grafted in, to believe, and to belong and not a pretext for occupying earthly wordly land beholden Zionism.

Voces judías olvidadas sobre el cristianismo



Jewish Voices on Christianity

Más allá de la separación: de la enemistad al propósito divino.
Durante siglos, la relación entre el judaísmo y el cristianismo ha sido vista como una historia de ruptura, conflicto y distorsión. Sin embargo, existen voces dentro del pensamiento judío que se atrevieron a mirar más allá del antagonismo, reconociendo en el cristianismo un papel inesperado dentro del plan divino. Estas voces, olvidadas por muchos, ofrecen una clave para una comprensión más profunda y reconciliadora.

El rabino Jacob Emden (1697–1776), una de las figuras más audaces de la tradición rabínica, escribió que Jesús de Nazaret trajo una “doble bondad” al mundo: reafirmó la Torá para los judíos y condujo a los gentiles hacia las leyes de Noé, alejándolos de la idolatría. Para Emden, Jesús no vino a abolir la alianza del Sinaí, sino a dirigir a las naciones hacia una ética monoteísta que, sin sustituir a Israel, cumplía un propósito providencial.

Siguiendo este enfoque, el rabino Harvey Falk (siglo XX) propuso que Jesús pertenecía a la escuela de Hillel y que su misión se oponía a la exclusividad farisea de Shamai. Según Falk, el cristianismo nació como un proyecto judío para los gentiles: una manera de extender los valores de la Torá sin exigir conversión completa, apoyándose en la estructura noájida.

Aún más profundo, el rabino cabalista Elías Benamozegh (1823–1900) desarrolló una teología en la que el cristianismo no era una aberración, sino un “atrio exterior” en el templo de la humanidad: un espacio legítimo donde las naciones podían acercarse a Dios, aunque sin la misma revelación que Israel. Para Benamozegh, las intuiciones cristianas sobre la divinidad reflejaban verdades mal comprendidas, pero no por ello ajenas al plan de Dios.

Estas voces no minimizaron las diferencias. No pidieron sincretismo ni diluyeron la identidad judía. Pero ofrecieron algo igual de valiente: la posibilidad de ver al cristianismo como una herramienta providencial para llevar el conocimiento de Dios a los confines de la tierra. En sus palabras y escritos resuena la esperanza de que Jacob y Esaú, después de siglos de lucha, puedan finalmente reconocerse como hermanos bajo un mismo Padre.

Hoy, en medio de un mundo fragmentado por religión y poder, recuperar estas voces olvidadas podría abrir el camino hacia una reparación auténtica. No se trata de volver al pasado, sino de recordar que incluso en la dispersión, Dios sigue escribiendo historia con los remanentes. Y quizás, en estos días finales, las chispas de Edom estén listas para volver a la luz.

El Mesías sufriente y la redención de Edom
Una pieza clave en la reconciliación entre Israel y Edom (el cristianismo) es la figura del Mesías. Mientras que el judaísmo espera a Mashíaj ben David como rey venidero, también reconoce a un Mesías sufriente, ben Yosef, que prepara el camino. Desde esta perspectiva, la misión de Jesús como Mesías no fue un error, sino una etapa oculta: sembró la fe entre las naciones, mientras la plenitud de su reinado aún está por revelarse.

La tradición kabalística sugiere que esta luz mesiánica ya está activa desde la destrucción del Segundo Templo. Así, el aparente triunfo de Roma sobre Jerusalén ocultaba un acto divino: el Mesías entró en Edom no para ser vencido, sino para redimirlo desde dentro.

Leído desde la Torat Edom, la crucifixión no es fracaso sino estrategia divina. Como José en Egipto, Jesús descendió a Edom para salvar. Su sangre santificó el campo de Roma, manteniendo viva la memoria del Dios de Israel incluso en el exilio. Esta visión no justifica las persecuciones cristianas, pero afirma que Dios puede escribir recto con líneas torcidas. Incluso en las tragedias, hay chispas de redención.

La profecía de Amós habla del “remanente de Edom” incluido en la restauración de Israel. En este sentido, tanto el judaísmo como el cristianismo apuntan hacia una convergencia futura. La rivalidad de Jacob y Esaú no es eterna. Estamos entrando en una era donde ambas casas reconocerán su vocación compartida: ser luz para las naciones y caminar juntos hacia el Monte del Señor.


The Blessing on the Heretics - Part 5 of 5





There are moments in history when liturgy becomes legislation—when prayer becomes a sword, not of truth, but of exclusion. The Birkat HaMinim, the so-called “Blessing on the Heretics,” was such a moment. Introduced under Rabban Gamliel II after the destruction of the Temple, it drew a hard line between those who belonged to the synagogue and those who would be cursed by it.

This is the moment when the family of Jesus—the Desposyni—were formally exiled. And among them stood Jude, brother of the Lord, author of a short but thunderous epistle. He was not a Gentile convert. He was not an outsider. He was born in Israel, of the household of David. And yet, his family would be anathematized—not by Rome, but by those who once prayed beside them.

This is the story of the last watchman—Jude, standing in the gap as the gates of the Qahal closed behind him.


From Edah to Qahal: The Restructuring of Judaism
Paul wrote in Romans 3:2:

To them were entrusted the oracles of God.

This trust—the preservation of Torah, the memory of Sinai—was not revoked. After 70 CE, the rabbis at Yavneh shouldered this responsibility and rebuilt Jewish identity around the synagogue, prayer, and halakhah. In doing so, they preserved:

The textual tradition (Masorah, midrash, canonization),
The oral traditions (debates, esoteric frameworks),
And the linguistic keys to the covenant (Hebrew and Aramaic).

But the center of gravity shifted.

Whereas Edah (עדה) represented a witnessing community—familial, tribal, covenantal—Yavneh formalized a new Qahal (קהל), a halakhic and liturgical assembly defined by uniformity, not prophetic inheritance. The price of survival, it seemed, was consolidation.

The Birkat HaMinim sealed that shift. To remain in the Qahal, one had to curse the minim—sectarians. And among them, most clearly, were the Nazarenes who still confessed Jesus as Messiah. To refuse the benediction was to expose yourself. In effect, the Qahal became a gatekeeping structure, and Jude and his family were cast out of the synagogue through its liturgy.


Jude the Guardian of the Edah
Jude’s letter is no abstraction. It is a grief-stricken call to arms. He warns of:

Intruders who twist grace into license,
Cosmic rebellion, echoing fallen angels,
Those who reject authority and defile the sacred.

But Jude’s deeper concern is covenantal preservation. His tone is halakhic and apocalyptic, and his citations—EnochBalaamKorah—belong not to the Church Fathers but to the Second Temple Jewish imagination. Jude is not writing to Greeks. 

He is speaking to Israel in crisis, watching the gates of covenantal continuity be shut—not against outsiders, but against those who kept both Torah and the testimony of Jesus.

This is Edah in exile.


The Klippah and the Counterfeit Assembly
In Jewish Kabbalah, the klippah is the husk—the shell that conceals or corrupts holiness. Jude foresaw a time when the grace of God would be hollowed out, disconnected from its root, turned into license without Torah, and power without fidelity.

That time came quickly. Jude’s family—the Desposyni—were marginalized first by the synagogue and then by the Church. According to Hegesippus, their descendants were interrogated by Rome, found to be poor farmers with calloused hands, and released. But they were never restored. The line was erased, neither pope nor patriarch, faithful and forgotten.

Their theological exile began the moment they refused to curse themselves.


The Split: Two Lines, One Root
The rabbis preserved the oracles of Sinai. The Desposyni preserved the oracle of Zion crucified and risen. These are not rival truths. They are covenantal threads woven through the same tapestry. Yet the Qahal could not include the Edah, because the messianic claim had become politically volatile—Jesus was now seen as allied with Edom. And so, the witnesses were expelled.

Without the rabbis, the Torah would have been lost to the nations.

Without the Desposyni, the Messiah would have been abstracted from Israel.


Jude Against the 19th Benediction
The Birkat HaMinim silenced a generation. It made the synagogue a place of separation, not sanctification. But Jude’s letter was not silenced.
It stands as a firebrand in the night:

Against the distortion of grace,
Against the abandonment of Torah,
Against the exile of the faithful remnant.

He was not a pope. He was not a rabbi.

He was a brother, a watchman, and a defender of the Name.

And that may be the holiest title of all.


The Final Pope?


Petrus Romanus and the Usurpation of the Redeemed Firstborn



1. Introduction: The Myth and the Misreading
The so-called Prophecy of the Popes, attributed to “St. Malachy” in the 12th century, predicts a final pope named Petrus Romanus—Peter the Roman—who will reign during the destruction of Rome and the Last Judgment. Although widely dismissed by scholars as a medieval forgery, this prophecy continues to captivate apocalyptic imaginations.

But what if there’s something deeper beneath the sensationalism? What if Petrus Romanus is not a prediction of the end, but a symbol—an echo of an older conflict that began not in the Vatican, but in Jerusalem? The usurped name of “Peter” holds covenantal significance. It was never Roman to begin with.

This article offers a critique of the Petrus Romanus myth—not by parsing the papal prophecy, but by recovering the first-century story behind the name. Peter (Shimon Kepha) was not the prototype of a pope, but a redeemed firstborn within Israel. His name, role, and calling must be reclaimed—not as an ecclesiastical title, but as a covenantal symbol. For Peter is the Petter Chamor—the redeemed donkey of Exodus 13:13—and Petrus Romanus is a counterfeit throne draped in borrowed holiness.


2. The Redeemed Donkey and the Firstborn Son
The Torah commands:

Every firstborn donkey you shall redeem with a lamb, and if you do not redeem it, you shall break its neck…” (Exodus 13:13).

To modern ears, this sounds obscure. But within Jewish tradition, the donkey symbolizes the nations—or more precisely, Israel’s exile among the nations. The donkey is unclean, yet essential. The Petter Chamor teaches that even what seems outside the covenant can be redeemed—if brought under the mercy of the lamb.

This is where the name Peter becomes revelatory. Jesus calls Shimon “Kepha” (Aramaic for “rock”) in Matthew 16:18. But this is not just a pun on strength—it is a covenantal transfer. Peter becomes the first among equals: the first to confess, the first to fall, and the first to be restored. He is the redeemed donkey—the firstborn who must be saved by grace.

This symbolism deepens in light of Zechariah 9:9, where the Messiah enters Jerusalem lowly, riding on a donkey. Rabbinic texts associate this with Messiah ben Joseph, the suffering redeemer. Peter embodies this typology. He is not a throne-builder, but a burden-bearer. His role is not imperial, but redemptive. He carries the nations not in power, but in repentance.

The Hebrew פטר (petter) means “firstborn,” or more precisely “one who opens the womb” (from Peter Rechem).

Kepha (כיפא, “rock”) is his Aramaic name; but Petros (Greek Πέτρος) sounds like a Hellenized play on Petter.

So the term “Petter Chamor” could linguistically resonate as “Peter the Donkey-Redeemer”—or “Firstborn Donkey.”

This might seem humorous—but in rabbinic and midrashic logic, donkeys are not merely animals. They represent:

    1. The stubborn, material side of humanity.

    2. The non-kosher nations that nevertheless played a role in Israel’s salvation     

   (Midrash: donkeys carried Egypt’s wealth during the Exodus).

3. The Triple Simon Tradition: Kepha, Clopas, and Klippa
Three figures named Shimon (Simon) appear in early Jewish-Christian tradition:

Shimon Kepha (Simon Peter) – the apostle, fisherman, and witness to the resurrection. Restored after denying Jesus, he becomes a pillar in the early Jewish ekklesia or Kahal / Qahal

Shimon Clopas (Cleophas) – a relative of Jesus, possibly the second bishop of Jerusalem. He preserves the Davidic and Levitical household faith, rooted in covenant and kinship.

Shimon Klippa – a symbolic distortion, drawn from rabbinic polemic. The term klippah (קְלִפָּה) in Jewish theology means “shell” or “husk”—a false layer that conceals or corrupts holiness. Klippa Simon represents the imperial distortion of the original Peter.

These three Simons form a theological typology:
Kepha: the redeemed rock - petra or nabateans
Clopas: the household priest.
Klippa: the counterfeit, a parody of the truth.

Enter the Roman Triad: Linus, Anacletus, Clement

According to Roman Catholic tradition, the first three bishops of Rome were:

Linus – traditionally the immediate successor to Peter, though historical evidence is scant.

Anacletus (Cletus) – a shadowy figure, often conflated with Linus in early records.

Clement – the most prominent, author of 1 Clement (c. 96 AD), advocating for order and hierarchy—a subtle shift toward Roman centralization.

Clement is sometimes remembered in Jewish traditions as having Jewish origins. Some associate him with a figure named Aviad, perhaps echoing Avi-Ad (“Everlasting Father”) from Isaiah 9:6. Though speculative, it suggests the memory of a Roman leader still bearing Jewish covenantal sensibility.

Yet by Clement’s time, a transformation was underway. The bishop of Rome began asserting authority beyond his city—co-opting the Petrine mantle while the family of Jesus and leaders like Shimon Clopas continued guiding the Jewish body of Messiah in Jerusalem.

From Clopas to Klippa: The Transfer of Power

The name “Peter” was not passed by covenant—it was co-opted by empire. The Roman Church clothed itself in the legacy of Peter while detaching itself from the seed of Israel. What emerged was a klippah—a shell of apostolic faith wrapped in imperial power.

The true Petter Chamor—the humble donkey bearing the nations—was replaced by a throne of red, gold, and law without mercy. Petrus Romanus, in this light, is not a future figure—it is the consummation of a distortion long in motion.


4. The Alexamenos Graffito and the Donkey King
The earliest known image of Jesus in Roman history is mockery. Etched into a wall near the Palatine Hill (2nd century), the Alexamenos graffito shows a man worshipping a crucified figure with a donkey’s head. 

Beneath it reads: ALEXAMENOS SEBETON THEON—“Alexamenos worships his god.”

To Romans, the crucified Messiah was absurd — part and parcel of how the empire weaponized Torah (see Paul and the Works of the Law).

To Jewish followers, however, the donkey was sacred. It was the beast of Messiah ben Joseph, the one redeemed by a lamb (Exod 13:13), the sign of God’s gentle reign (Zech 9:9).

The graffito is unintentional prophecy: the donkey and the cross belong together. But Rome mocked what it did not understand. Rather than embracing the redemptive burden, it enthroned Peter and bound the donkey in chains—renaming it Petrus Romanus.


5. From Peter to Petrus Romanus: The Edomite Usurpation
The shift from Shimon Kepha to Petrus Romanus is not just a change in name—it is a spiritual displacement. It marks the moment when Edom (Rome) claimed to be Israel, and when the priestly-redemptive office of the Jewish firstborn was absorbed into an imperial cult.

Isaiah 22:22 speaks of the “key of David” given to the faithful steward. Revelation 3:7 applies this to Jesus—not to any successor. Yet Rome claimed these keys while forgetting the cross. The Pope became Peter, but not the Peter of mercy—rather, a Peter of monarchy.

This is the klippa—a counterfeit covering. Petrus Romanus is not a pope to come, but a warning: the throne of Peter has been hollowed out by empire.


6. The Real Grafting In: Paul and the Olive Tree
Romans 11 reveals Paul’s vision of the Gentile inclusion—not as a replacement, but a grafting in. The olive tree remains Jewish. The wild branches are welcome, but only if they honor the root.

Do not be arrogant toward the branches… you do not support the root, but the root supports you.” (Romans 11:18)

The true Peter supports the root. The false Petrus Romanus seeks to become the root. To reclaim Peter is to reclaim covenantal mercy, not ecclesiastical dominance. 

The Petter Chamor—the redeemed donkey—is not a relic. He is a signpost, leading the nations not to Rome, but to Zion.


7. Conclusion: Beyond the Final Pope
The Petrus Romanus prophecy is not about the end of the world. It is about the exposure of a counterfeit. The final Pope is not an apocalyptic villain, but a symbol of a long-standing usurpation—an institution wrapped in apostolic garb but severed from covenantal reality. 

Could this institution be the robbers who inhabited the house in the Bremen Town Musicians?


The future is not about Rome’s fall. It is about Zion’s restoration—and the lifting of the nations toward heaven’s mountain. As Micah declares:


Though all peoples walk each in the name of his god, we will walk in the name of the Lord our God forever and ever.” (Micah 4:5)


The Roman and also the Eastern Orthodox Church must reckon with its borrowed titles, its usurped keys, and its forgotten root. The figure of Peter must be redeemed—not through ecclesial succession, but through covenantal return. For he is not a throne—but a donkey, redeemed by the Lamb, carrying the nations toward the heavenly mountain of God.

The Burial of the Impostor - Part 4 of 5



When Name and Body Meet Their End: Jude against 666

“Gittin 57a and the End of the Mamzer: The Burial of the Name and the Body” 



Opening Reflection: The Final Act of Judgment
After the night of secret recovery and the public trial, the Talmud records one last grim scene. The mamzer—“Yeshu,” the false messiah who stole the Divine Name—faces two deaths: first his reputation (the Name stripped away), second his person. In Gittin 57a the rabbis refuse him even a proper burial; his body is cast into a cesspit, a fate reserved for the most odious criminals. This final judgment commemorates not only a man but the corruption he embodied.

1. Gittin 57a: “Into the Excrement He Goes”
Text: Gittin 57a describes how, after stoning and hanging (Sanhedrin 43a), the body of “Yeshu” is taken not to a family tomb but dumped in tzō’ah rotachat—boiling excrement. 

Meaning: This harsh treatment reflects a rabbinic principle: those who blaspheme Torah and traffic in God’s Name for sorcery deserve the most extreme ritual impurity.

Contrast with Jesus Traditions: In the Christian Passion, a pious figure receives a dignified burial (Joseph of Arimathea). Here the Talmud inverts that: the impostor’s body is not honored but shamed.

All who mock the words of the Sages are judged in boiling excrement.

— Gittin 57a

2. The Name and the Flesh: Complete Excision
Name Already Gone: Recall Jude’s midnight mission: the Shem haMeforash had been removed. The mamzer no longer possessed the power to heal, animate, or teach. 

Body Next: By refusing burial, the rabbis perform the ultimate “exorcism” of his false messiahship. Body and Name are both laid in the garbage of history. 

Theology of Shame: In Leviticus and Deuteronomy, burial is a mark of dignity even for criminals. Denying burial is the last taboo—an act of cosmic banishment. 

3. Luria’s Gilgulim and the Kabbalistic Echo
Isaac Luria (16th c.) locates Yeshus’ remains “under the carob tree” near Tsafed (Sha‘ar haGilgulim ch. 37). This mystical tradition suggests the soul of the impostor remains restless, awaiting final purification. 

Symbolism of the Carob (Ḥaruv): The carob tree embodies humility and sustenance; yet here it shades the unworthy corpse—a reminder that even the lowliest creation can shelter divine truth.

4. Why Christian Believers Should Listen
A Second “Good Friday”: The Talmudic Passion narrative riffs on the Christian one but shifts the focus: it indicts false Christ-claims, not a faithful martyr.

Boundary Mark: The refusal of burial marks the dividing line between true and false. Just as the True Messiah was raised, the false one is cast out.

Our Task: Jude’s epistle warns us to discern spirits and guard the Name. If early Jewish leaders could see through the impostor’s signs, so must we today.

5. Looking Ahead: From Judgment to Renewal

Having witnessed the fall of the mamzer—Name gone, body disgraced—the story now turns to what rises in its place: 

Paul’s Mission — a recalibrated Gentile inclusion (Romans 11).

Noahide Messianism — the new “Torah for the Nations.”

Torat Edom — the restored teaching of Israel for all peoples.

Allegiance to the Jew(s)! No Gospel Without the Wound?


A Torat Edom Critique of the 
“Allegiance Gospel” and Reformed Abstractions



👉 Perhaps ?  


👉 Beyond the Salvation Wars: Why Both Protestants and Catholics Must Reimagine How We Are Saved  A critique of both Protestant and Catholic soteriologies, proposing a unified model centered on allegiance.

Introduction: What Is at Stake?
A third way always sounds promising—especially when the two main camps have spent centuries in bitter disagreement. That’s what Matthew Bates offers in his recent book Beyond the Salvation Wars, a book that suggests Protestants and Catholics have both gotten the gospel wrong in different ways, and that the truth lies in a new synthesis: salvation not by faith alone, but by allegiance alone

It’s not the first time such a reimagination has been tried. From Socinianism to Barthianism, from N.T. Wright to the emergent church, there’s a long tradition of attempting to rescue the gospel from “abstract theology” or “individualistic narcissism” and replace it with a more “kingdom-centered,” “culturally responsible” gospel. But what’s happening here is not just an interpretive tweak. It’s a displacement of the covenantal center of the gospel and a misdiagnosis of the disease the gospel cures.

Let’s be clear. Allegiance to Jesus matters. But allegiance is not the gospel. And to put it at the center—whether subtly or boldly—is to shift the good news from what Christ has done to what we must do.

This is not just a disagreement about language. It’s a disagreement about the very nature of grace, righteousness, and what kind of God we’re dealing with.

This essay is not a defense of Protestant slogans or a nostalgic Reformation echo, yet which was ‘justified’ and relevant today. This is a covenantal response rooted in what I call Torat Edom—the law or Torah of Edom, the theology of the outsider brother who sold his birthright, and the justice of God’s covenantal wound. It’s a lens that takes Scripture as a unified story and insists on one truth: there is no gospel without substitution. There is no kingdom without a covenant. There is no redemption without a wound.

In the words of J. Gresham Machen on his deathbed: “Thank God for the active obedience of Christ. No hope without it.”

Matthew Bates has written a clear and compelling book—but in my view, it is clearly and compellingly wrong. I’ll explain why.


Adding the Missing Chapters: Romans 9–11 as Theological Anchor
Much of the confusion in both Reformed and post-Reformed frameworks—whether from Schreiner, Hamilton, or Bates—stems from neglecting the role of Romans 9–11 as the linchpin for reading Romans, whether backward or forward. Scot McKnight rightly emphasizes that Paul’s vision is not a mere soteriological algorithm, but a defense of God’s covenantal fidelity—especially in regard to Israel and the nations.

This is not about ecclesiology abstracted from story, but about Christianity’s Edomite inheritance: a grafting-in of outsiders into the wound of Israel’s Messiah, not into a newly invented system of allegiance.

A Word About Method: Listening to the Living Oracle-Keepers
Before going further, we must situate ourselves theologically: the gospel cannot be abstracted from Israel’s story. Paul tells us that “the oracles of God were entrusted to them” (Rom. 3:2), and in that spirit, I invite readers to listen to the oracle-keepers—to hear Paul not merely as a Christian apostle, but as a Pharisaic Jew revealing the inclusion of the nations through a covenant already established in mercy.

This means recovering trust in the shalshelet—the generational chain of oral and written wisdom within Israel’s rabbinic tradition that guards the memory of covenantal reality, even amid exile and trauma. It is precisely this shalshelet that bore witness to the distortions introduced when Rome—under Herod’s patronage—co-opted messianic expectation for imperial ends. The rabbis did not simply reject Jesus; they perceived that the Christian project, as it aligned with Roman power, had begun to act out the pattern of Edom: the brother who turns covenant into conquest, who chooses dominance over reconciliation.

Perhaps here we will see our faulty approaches to Eschatology and start to reevaluate our Christianity as an Edomite inheritance and its prophetic significance.


I. The Gospel and the Grammar of Grace
Theological reformulations of the gospel have long attempted to correct perceived imbalances or shortcomings in historical paradigms. In recent years, Matthew Bates has proposed that salvation should be understood not as “faith alone” but as “allegiance alone.”

His work aims to synthesize Protestant and Catholic concerns and to redirect the gospel’s focus toward the kingship of Christ and the communal life of the church. While well-intentioned, this reframing marks not a correction but a displacement. By defining pistis as “allegiance,” Bates shifts the gospel from divine accomplishment to human loyalty. The effect is a subtle yet substantial realignment of grace, justification, and covenant.

Simultaneously, Reformed theologians like Thomas Schreiner and James Hamilton, while retaining forensic categories and a high view of substitutionary atonement, often construct grace within a narrow law-gospel binary that overlooks the covenantal faithfulness of God beyond Israel—including figures like Ishmael, Esau, and Cornelius. Their theological frameworks universalize Israel while erasing Edom, offering election without a coherent theology of the nations.

This paper argues that both systems—Bates’s allegiance model and the Reformed law-grace dichotomy—fail to account for the full biblical shape of the gospel as Torat Edom presents it: the law of the outsider, the wound of substitution, and the mercy of a covenant that transcends national or ecclesial borders. At the center of the gospel is not a demand for loyalty, but a bleeding Lamb. And the true obedience of faith is not imperial fealty but covenantal trust, as revealed in Abraham, Noah, Job, and Cornelius.


II. Covenant Before Kingdom: Why Allegiance Cannot Be First
The foundational order of biblical revelation places covenant before kingship. In Exodus, Israel is redeemed through the blood of the lamb before it receives the Torah at Sinai. The structure of God’s redemptive plan moves from mercy to obedience, not the reverse. Allegiance, in biblical terms, is a response to covenantal deliverance, not its precondition.

Bates’s model reverses this order. By beginning with kingship rather than priesthood, he unwittingly reintroduces the very legalism he aims to avoid. A king without an altar is a tyrant. A gospel of allegiance without substitutionary atonement is, at best, moralism in ecclesial garb.

In the New Testament, Jesus first offers Himself as a covenantal sacrifice—“this is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many for the forgiveness of sins” (Matt 26:28)—before calling disciples to follow Him. The gospel does not begin with, “Bow to the King,” but with “Behold, the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world” (John 1:29). The good news is not first about our allegiance, but about His suffering.


III. The Wound of the Covenant: Substitution as the Gospel’s Center
The essence of biblical covenant is not contract but cut. In Genesis 15, God seals His promise to Abram through a sacrificial ritual—passing alone between the slaughtered animals. This solemn act reveals that the covenant is upheld not by human allegiance but by divine self-binding. As the prophet Isaiah later reveals, this pattern culminates in the suffering servant: “He was pierced for our transgressions… and by His wounds we are healed” (Isa. 53:5).

Bates’s framework acknowledges the crucifixion but minimizes its substitutionary character. He reinterprets the cross as a kingdom-declaring event that inaugurates communal allegiance. This reframing underplays the covenantal wound—the sacrificial center without which the gospel collapses into moral expectation.

Torat Edom insists: the gospel is a covenant cut in flesh. It is a wound that opens the way not just for Israel, but for Esau. It welcomes not just the covenantal insider, but the outsider brother. 

The cross is not an emblem of allegiance; it is the mercy seat. To diminish substitution is to forfeit the priestly basis of salvation and to sever the gospel from its Jewish covenantal moorings.


IV. Faith, Not Fealty: Misreading Pistis in a Post-Imperial Age
Bates’s attempt to redefine pistis as “allegiance” stems from Greco-Roman political usage, where loyalty to emperors was often termed pistis. But the New Testament authors are not writing imperial propaganda. They are interpreting the Hebrew Scriptures and their covenantal categories—especially emunah, the relational trust of Abraham, Noah, and the righteous Gentile.

Paul’s gospel in Romans does not call for allegiance to a new regime. It calls for the “obedience of faith” (hypakoē pisteōs, Rom. 1:5, 16:26)—a phrase that refers to covenantal trustfulness, not imperial submission. Schreiner and Hamilton attempt to defend a traditional “faith alone” paradigm, but often within a dichotomous framework that pits Torah against grace, forgetting that Abraham’s righteousness was credited not apart from covenant, but within the Genesis 15 promise that all nations would be blessed.

Torat Edom calls for a recovery of the Jewish covenantal context: the nations are grafted in not by allegiance but by the pierced covenant. Faith is not fealty. It is the cry of Cornelius, the lament of Job, the wounded trust of Edom. The one who says, “I believe—help my unbelief” (Mark 9:24) is not performing allegiance; he is entering covenant through mercy.


V. The Law and Grace Dichotomy: Reformed Theology and the Truncated Abrahamic and Noahide Covenant
Schreiner and Hamilton, in their respective biblical theologies, rightly defend penal substitution and forensic justification. But they do so within a rigid law-grace framework that misrepresents the deeper continuity of covenantal grace throughout Scripture.

By opposing law to grace, they obscure the relational nature of Torah as a covenant given after redemption. Worse, their theological systems tend to exclude Ishmael and Esau as representatives of non-election, flattening biblical history into categories of saved and reprobate, chosen and cast off. This is a misreading of Paul’s argument in Romans 9–11, where even Esau is part of the divine narrative of mercy and where God’s calling is not revoked (Rom. 11:29).

Torat Edom rejects the Reformed tendency to turn covenant into contract and election into exclusivity. Edom was not reprobated; he was wayward and sold his birthright. And even the “vessels of wrath” are part of the story God is telling—a story that culminates not in systematic order, but in the mercy shown to “all” (Rom. 11:32).

So to fully appreciate Paul’s argument in Romans—particularly in chapters 1 through 4—we must recover the Noahide dimension of the moral law. Romans 2:14–15 affirms that even Gentiles, “who do not have the law, do by nature things required by the law,” thereby demonstrating that there is a moral knowledge rooted not in Sinai but in creation and covenantal memory.

This is not generic natural law—it is Noahide memory, embedded in the covenant God made with all flesh in Genesis 9. Paul’s declaration that “Abraham believed God, and it was reckoned to him as righteousness” (Rom. 4:3) is not an isolated theological claim, but a continuation of the trust seen in Noah (Gen. 6:8), Job, and others who lived by covenantal response before Torah was given.

Thus, the “obedience of faith” (Rom. 1:5; 16:26) is best understood not as abstract allegiance, but as covenantal fidelity—a response of emunah grounded in God’s mercy. It is this Noahide logic that allows Paul to claim that both Jew and Gentile stand on the same ground: “There is no distinction, for all have sinned…” (Rom. 3:22–23), and that the righteousness of God has been revealed “apart from the law, although the Law and the Prophets bear witness to it” (Rom. 3:21).

By restoring this lens, we see Romans not as a repudiation of Jewish law nor a blueprint for ecclesial allegiance, but as a covenantal map guiding Gentiles—like Cornelius and Edom—back to the God of mercy through the pierced side of Israel’s Messiah.

This perspective is further enriched by examining historical theological interpretations. For instance, Augustine’s engagement with the Noahide Laws offers insight into early Christian understandings of universal moral obligations. In his work Contra Faustum, Augustine discusses how the Apostolic decrees aimed to unite Jews and Gentiles under common moral expectations, which some scholars associate with the Noahide Laws. For a deeper exploration of Augustine’s views on this topic, see my post: Augustine’s Engagement with Noahide Laws.


VI. The Church and the Question of Covenant Inclusion
Bates’s ecclesiology proposes a model of “corporate election” where individuals participate by maintaining allegiance. But this introduces instability: who is “in” the elect community? How much allegiance is enough? In trying to avoid the pitfalls of individualism, Bates has created a system with no assurance—what Schreiner once called “an empty set.”

Schreiner and Hamilton, by contrast, defend the perseverance of the saints, but again from within a system that cannot fully include Edom, Cornelius, or the righteous outsider. Both views struggle with the reality of covenantal adoption apart from tribal markers.

Torat Edom reframes the church not as a new tribe, but as the expansion of covenantal mercy to the outsider. The church is the edah—the witnessing assembly—not because it replaces Israel, but because it shares in the covenantal wound. The gospel is not “God chose a team; stay on it,” but “You are Mine; I have called you by name” (Isa. 43:1).


VII. Recovering the True Grammar of the Gospel
What is at stake in these theological proposals is not merely emphasis but essence. The gospel cannot be defined by allegiance, nor can it be reduced to grace versus law. Again it is the revelation of God’s righteousness apart from the law but witnessed to by the Torah and Prophets (Rom. 3:21). It is covenant fulfilled, substitution offered, nations welcomed, and Edom remembered.

To reject imputed righteousness is to sever salvation from the wound. To treat faith as allegiance is to confuse the response with the root. The gospel is not a performance metric. It is the proclamation of a crucified Messiah whose blood secures a new covenant with Israel and the nations.


Finally No Gospel Without the Wound
Whether allegiance or law-grace dichotomies, both Bates’s proposal and Reformed theology in its systematic forms risk distorting the gospel by abstracting it from covenantal mercy. The gospel is not a call to loyalty, nor a mere forensic declaration. It is a covenant cut in the body of Jesus—the wound that binds outsider and insider alike into one family.

Matthew Bates can be understood as an innovative but typical representative of the New Perspective on Paul. Like N.T. Wright and James Dunn, Bates seeks to correct what he sees as distortions in traditional Protestant soteriology—especially the emphasis on individual justification by faith detached from covenantal and communal contexts. His central move—redefining pistis as “allegiance”—follows the NPP trend of reframing Paul’s gospel not as an abstract legal transaction but as the announcement of Jesus’s kingship and the call to embodied faithfulness within God’s covenant community.

In doing so, Bates inherits the NPP suspicion of our Reformed brethren and categories like imputed righteousness and justification by faith alone. Yet he also pushes beyond Wright by attempting to distill this covenantal vision into a single unifying term—allegiance—effectively recasting faith as a performative loyalty rather than a trust rooted in divine mercy. This makes Bates a compelling, if problematic, heir of the NPP: faithful to its instincts, but even more radical in its redefinition of gospel grammar.

The obedience of faith is not allegiance. It is emunah—covenantal trust. It is the cry of the one who has no claim and yet was and is still called. It is the story of Edom—wounded, often foolish in his choices, yet not forgotten.

“Deliverers shall go up to Mount Zion to rule Mount Esau, and the kingdom shall be the Lord’s.” —Obadiah 1:21

And that, not allegiance, is the prophetic grammar of grace.